ART. X. Recit Historique sur la Restauration de la Royauté, &c.; i. e. Historical Report of the Restoration of the Bourbons in France on the 31st of March 1814. By the Author of the Congress of Vienna; of Memoirs on the Revolution in Spain, &c. (M. DE PRADT, formerly Archbishop of Mechlin.) 8vo. pp. 103. Paris. 1816.* FRENCHMEN have long been described as communicative, but we have seldom met with a writer so eager to apprize the public of the whole course of his political career as M. DE PRADT. After having related his participation in the diplomatic occurrences at Bayonne in 1808, and his more important functions at Warsaw in 1812, he brings himself forwards in that which we may with confidence call the last scene of his political drama, viz. at Paris, 31st of March 1814. Such was his impatience to intermeddle, or rather his solicitude to gain favour with the expected governors of France, that he could not quietly await in his diocese the overthrow of Bonaparte, but proceeded to Paris in the end of January 1814, in a capacity which, after all his exculpatory phrases and qualifications, (p. 31.) can be called nothing else than that of espion for the allies; unless indeed he permit us to improve on it by regarding him as performing that creditable function for both the contending parties. In this situation, he makes a number of notable discoveries, and among other things finds out that Talleyrand is a character of wondrous philanthropy, - 'l'arbitre de la politique comme du bon ton.' Unluckily, M. DE PRADT's views of the policy of the allied powers are not such as to indicate an access to sources of authentic information. They are marked by the vulgar notion that Austria was not cordial in her opposition to Bonaparte; that the allied leaders had more than once the thought of relinquishing the prosecution of the contest; and, to crown all, that the French declined to assist Bonaparte with energy, lest, if they should beat back the invaders from Paris, they might have to follow them all the way to Vienna. In another passage, we were not a little surprized to find a writer of M. DE P.'s intelligence disposed to pay serious attention to the statements of such an exaggerator as Sir Francis d'Ivernois: but bold assertion and a confident tone will succeed with Frenchmen even in points with which they ought, from their personal situation, to be correctly acquainted. The consequence of all this is that the only part * A translation of this pamphlet has been published in London by J. Booth. of of the present tract worth noticing is the account (p. 69.) of the conference of the allied sovereigns and their ministers at M. de Talleyrand's house, immediately after the foreign troops had entered Paris on the 31st of March. M. DE PRADT contrived to be in the way on this occasion, and represents himself as received with marked attention by several of the great personages then assembled; who are described as engaged in deliberation in one of the salons of M. de Talleyrand's mansion, or, to use the Parisian phrase, hôtel. The King of Prussia and Prince Schwartzenberg sat next to the The ornamental piece of furniture in the middle of the room. Duke of Dalberg was on Prince Schwartzenberg's right hand, and after him Count Nesselrode, Pozzo di Borgo, and Prince Lichtenstein. Talleyrand was placed on the King of Prussia's left hand; and Baron Louis and I were beside him. The Emperor Alexander walked backwards and forwards in front of the company. 'That monarch, in the most determined tone of voice, enforced by emphatic gesticulations, began by telling us that it was not he who had commenced the war; that the enemy had come to seek him at his own home; that neither the thirst of conquest nor the desire of vengeance had brought him to Paris; that he had done every thing in his power to avert the horrors of war from that capital, on which he bestowed the most flattering epithets; that he should have been inconsolable if it had been exposed to them; that he did not make war on France; and that the allies and he knew of only two enemies, the Emperor Napoleon and the enemies of the liberties of the French nation. Then addressing the King of Prussia and Prince Schwartzenberg, he asked them whether their views were not the On their signifying their assent, he repeated, with the same emphasis, a part of what he had said before; dwelling on sentiments the generosity of which filled us with admiration and gratitude. Having repeated several times that the French nation in general, and we ourselves in particular, were perfectly free, and that we had only to make known what appeared to us certain with regard to the disposition of the nation, when its wish should be supported by the allied forces, he addressed himself to each of us separately. same. • When it came to my turn to speak, I exclaimed that we were all royalists; that all France was of the same sentiments; and that the only circumstance which had prevented her from declaring them was the continued negotiation of Chatillon, which had impressed a languor on every thing. I added, that the Parisians wished unanimously for a change; that they would declare themselves as soon as they were called to do so, and could do it with safety; and that, in consequence of the influence which Paris had always exercised over France since the Revolution, its example would be decisive, and would be followed throughout the empire. • The Emperor of Russia again addressed the King of Prussia and Prince Schwartzenberg, who replied in a style perfectly agreeable to the opinions which we had stated. "Well, then," said the Emperor Alexander, " I declare that I will treat no more with the Emperor Emperor Napoleon." It was remarked that this declaration excluded only Napoleon, and did not extend to his family; and on our representations the Emperor added, "nor with any member of his family." The Emperor was persuaded to allow this declaration, which was calculated to fix the opinion of Paris, to be published; and in two hours the walls of the capital were covered with it, by the exertions of Messrs. Michaud, who happened to be in the rooms adjoining to that in which the council met. This declaration effected every thing: it fixed the fate of France by removing the great obstacle between her and her antient monarchs, by pledging the allied sovereigns, and by securing to the cause of the Bourbons the support of their forces. The counter-revolution takes date, therefore, from this decisive step.' A principal objection to this passage is derived from the author's credulity in supposing that the allied powers formed the determination of restoring the Bourbons only at the time here mentioned: whereas he may, we believe, take it for granted that such was their settled purpose from the moment at which the destruction of the French army in Russia, afforded the prospect of a successful issue to the war. How can we doubt that Austria was as cordial as the rest, when the resolution to march straight on Paris was so warmly adopted by Schwartzenberg; and when we find that commander empowered (p. 63.) to give her consent to any measure on which the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia might decide respecting the future government of France? - In consequence of this and other mis-calculations, (pp. 51, 52.) M. DE PRADT has certainly not added to his reputation by this tract, in which he appears to advantage only when his subject leads him to political disquisition. We have, for instance, some very good observations on the difficulties that would have stood in the way of accomplishing the restoration of the Bourbons before Bonaparte had overcome the national predilection for a republican government; and a note to a subsequent passage is so clear and satisfactory, as to afford a kind of counterpoise to the various oversights or errors of the whole: We ought never to despair of a nation which possesses a legislative body; whatever errors it may occasionally commit, it is sure to act rightly at one time or another. It contains within itself the correcting principle of its deviations, and the source of its eventual reform.' The pamphlet concludes with a few proclamations and official papers connected with the political change of the 31st of March 1814. ART. ART. XI. Essai Comparatif, &c.; i.e. A Comparative Sketch of the Cardinal Duke de Richelieu, Prime-Minister to Louis XIII. and William Pitt, Prime-Minister to George III. King of Great Britain. By the Chevalier GILIBERT DE MEZLHIAC, Officer in the French Navy, Member of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, and of the Royal Antiquarian Society of France. 8vo. pp. 173. Paris. 1816. We took up this little volume with a certain degree of eagerness, in the hope of seeing, if not a finished parallel, at least some interesting points of comparison between two distinguished ministers: but the author is too fond of wandering into the regions of fancy, and of pushing his notions to an extreme, to be qualified to give his readers any sound views of the political arrangements of either age. The best part of his remarks is that which relates to the condition of France at the time of Richelieu coming into office; such as the weakness of the royal power; the pride of the aristocracy; the divided state of the country in point of religion; and the various difficulties in the situation of a minister opposed by the Queen, the Queen-mother, and a host of courtiers who saw no chance of participating in power as long as it remained in the vigorous grasp of the Cardinal. On the other hand, the work becomes replete with errors whenever the author describes, or attempts to describe, the motives of Mr. Pitt and the English cabinet. Nothing can be more absurd than to say, Pitt's plan was the same as that of his father; viz. that of producing in France a general subversion of all order and principle, that he might exalt his own country at her expence.' - Our readers will accordingly excuse us from entering at any length into the fanciful details of M. DE MEZLHIAC: of whom we shall only farther remark that he is apparently a zealous royalist; calling Louis XVI. by the name of Louis the Martyr,' and speaking of Bonaparte as a despote affreux, aux crimes duquel la Providence vient de mettre un terme. A detailed view of the administration of Cardinal Richelieu occurs in the IIId Article of this APPENDIX. 1 INDEX INDEX To the REMARKABLE PASSAGES in this Volume. N. B. To find any particular Book, or Pamphlet, see the Barberino, Francesco, life and works of, 523-529. Nn Bor- 1 |